{"id":165,"date":"2019-11-14T17:56:45","date_gmt":"2019-11-14T22:56:45","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/lawblogs.uc.edu\/ihrlr\/?p=165"},"modified":"2020-05-07T11:49:27","modified_gmt":"2020-05-07T15:49:27","slug":"lebanons-refugee-crisis-part-i-how-lebanon-became-host-to-the-largest-number-of-refugees-per-capita-in-the-world","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/lawblogs.uc.edu\/ihrlr\/2019\/11\/14\/lebanons-refugee-crisis-part-i-how-lebanon-became-host-to-the-largest-number-of-refugees-per-capita-in-the-world\/","title":{"rendered":"Lebanon’s Refugee Crisis, Part I: How Lebanon Became Host to the Largest Number of Refugees Per Capita in the World"},"content":{"rendered":"

Only twelve years old, Ali has become his family\u2019s breadwinner.[1]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup> He works eleven hours daily at an automobile repair shop near the refugee camp where his Syrian family lives. He earns almost fifteen dollars each week. His father, Mahmoud, couldn\u2019t find work; desperate, the family had sent Ali to look instead. \u201cI know that they hired my son instead of me because they can pay a child less and he is easier to exploit,\u201d says Mahmoud.[2]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup> Ali\u2019s family isn\u2019t happy with the situation, but they need Ali\u2019s income to stay off the streets. One day at the repair shop, Ali is struck on the head by a falling iron rod. He needs medical attention, but between him and the hospital is a checkpoint. Ali doesn\u2019t have a residency permit, so he knows that if he goes through the checkpoint he will be detained, or worse. So he doesn\u2019t. Instead, he wishes he could go to school and waits for his head to feel better.[3]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup><\/p>\n

Stories like Ali\u2019s are startlingly common among refugees living in Lebanon and are becoming more common as Lebanon continues to struggle with its refugee crisis. However, while complex, the refugee crisis in Lebanon did not create itself. Lebanon\u2019s response to its refugee crisis, prompted in part by a lack of international aid, has been careless and irresponsible. Underlying the crisis is a complicated history with refugees and Syria, messy politics, and a series of poor policy decisions which will all be explored in this two-part blog series. This first blog will examine the historical and political context that led to Lebanon\u2019s refugee crisis, while a future blog will look at specific refugee policies in Lebanon, their consequences, and possible remedies.<\/p>\n

Syrian refugees in Lebanon live under dire conditions inflamed by an openly anti-refugee government. Those who do not live in poverty on the streets of Lebanon\u2019s urban centers live in poverty in one of Lebanon\u2019s twelve refugee camps. Exacerbating the great socio-economic strain shouldered by refugees is Lebanon\u2019s limited residency policy which has left many Syrian refugees in Lebanon without any formal lawful status. Because of their lack of legal standing, refugees\u2019 access to work, education, and healthcare are restricted and they are left vulnerable to exploitation and abuse with no available legal redress.[4]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup> To make matters worse, Lebanon\u2019s refusal to facilitate the registration of refugee births has left many refugee children at risk of becoming stateless.[5]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup> While Lebanon has officially promised to respect the international prohibition on refoulement,[6]<\/a><\/sup> Lebanese authorities have placed pressure on intergovernmental organizations such as the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to organize returns.[7]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup> Many refugees have returned to Syria under localized agreements not overseen by international organizations while others have left of their own accord despite believing that Syria is unsafe, citing harsh policies and deteriorating conditions in Lebanon.[8]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup> With no end in sight for the conflict in Syria, Syrian refugees in Lebanon have nowhere to go and have no choice but to persist despite the poor conditions in Lebanon.<\/p>\n

Background<\/strong><\/p>\n

Today, Lebanon has the largest number of refugees per capita in the world. [9]<\/a><\/sup> <\/sup>Since the start of the Syrian Civil War in 2011, Lebanon, a country slightly smaller than the state of Connecticut, has become refuge to an estimated 1.5 million Syrian refugees.[10]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup> This \u201cwould be the equivalent to the United States receiving approximately 108 million refugees, or Europe receiving approximately 169 million refugees.\u201d[11]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup> Between January 2013 and September 2014 \u201cthe United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) was registering on average over 48,000 refugees per month,\u201d however, border restrictions imposed in 2014 stemmed the influx of refugees entering Lebanon.[12]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup> Lebanon\u2019s Syrian refugees join approximately 180,000 Palestinian refugees and other, smaller refugee populations, primarily from Iraq, Sudan, and Ethiopia.[13]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup> While understanding the scope of Lebanon\u2019s refugee crisis necessitates mention of other refugee populations, Lebanon\u2019s Syrian refugees will be this blog\u2019s primary focus.<\/p>\n

Lebanon\u2019s relationship with its Palestinian refugees has greatly informed its attitude toward refugees. Today, nearly 180,000 Palestinians live in Lebanon\u2019s refugee camps.[14]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup> In the nearly seventy years that Palestinian refugees have lived in Lebanon, Lebanon has looked towards Palestinians with both weariness and suspicion. This animosity began because Lebanon blames Palestinians, at least in part, for the Arab-Israeli wars. Further complicating Lebanese-Palestinian relations is the Palestinian Liberation Organization\u2019s (\u201cPLO\u2019s\u201d) involvement in the Lebanese Civil War (1975 \u2013 1990), which devastated Lebanon\u2019s infrastructure and still has long-lasting effects on modern Lebanon.[15]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup> The PLO\u2019s involvement in the civil war \u201cfueled resentment within Lebanon against Palestinians and stigmatized the entire Palestinian community.\u201d[16]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup> Wide-spread sectarianism in Lebanon further complicates the situation; Lebanon\u2019s Maronite Christians \u201chave long feared a shift in sectarian demography\u201d\u2014a fear fueled by the fact that most Palestinians are Sunni Muslims. [17]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup><\/p>\n

A long and complicated history with Syria also informs Lebanon\u2019s relationship with its Syrian refugees. After the outbreak of the Lebanese Civil War, Syrian troops entered Lebanon, entrenching themselves in Lebanon and proceeding to exert great political influence. [18]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup> The Syrian troops remained under the supervision of the Syrian government and did not withdraw until 2005, fifteen years after the Lebanese Civil War. Syria\u2019s prolonged presence in Lebanon and influence on Lebanese politics during that time largely soured relations between the two countries.[19]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup><\/p>\n

<\/a> These feelings of resentment towards refugees and Syrians have seeped into Lebanese politics. Lebanese political leaders have long been reluctant to grant the nation\u2019s refugee population lawful status, fearing that doing so would encourage them to stay.[20]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup> In the leadup to Lebanon\u2019s national elections in 2018, the nation\u2019s refugees were a point of contention and anti-refugee discourse was rampant. That year, the president of Lebanon\u2019s confessional government,[21]<\/a><\/sup> Michael Aoun, Lebanon\u2019s speaker of the parliament, Nabih Berri, and Lebanon\u2019s foreign minister, Gebran Bassil, all spoke against \u201ca joint EU-UN statement that mentioned a \u2018choice to stay,\u2019 saying that it suggested permanent settlement in Lebanon.\u201d[22]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup> Political leaders have frequently \u201caccused the international community of trying to integrate the refugees, and exerted pressure on UNHCR to start organizing repatriation.\u201d[23]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup> Lebanon\u2019s government has justified its cries for eviction by claiming that refugees are a burden upon Lebanon\u2019s admittedly strained infrastructure and economy.[24]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup><\/p>\n

Simply put, when the Syrian Civil War began in 2011, Lebanon was neither prepared or adequately equipped to respond to the rapid influx of refugees crossing its borders. Lebanon had no \u201cspecific framework or dedicated and comprehensive administrative system for the management of refugee affairs.\u201d[25]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup> Lebanon\u2019s subsequent response has been nothing short of insufficient and irresponsible. Because of Lebanon\u2019s complex history with refugees and Syria, any remedial suggestions were seen by Lebanon\u2019s government \u201cas an attempt to perpetuate the presence of refugees in the country\u201d and promptly dismissed.[26]<\/a><\/sup><\/sup> In place of productive refugee policies, Lebanon has adopted limited residency policies which leave refugees vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. In the next blog, these policies, their consequences, and possible remedies will be explored.<\/p>\n

    \n
  1. This story is adapted from an interview conducted in Akkar, Lebanon, in 2015 by Human Rights Watch. \u201cI Just Wanted to be Treated like a Person\u201d: How Lebanon\u2019s Residency Rules Facilitate Abuse of Syrian Refugees<\/em>, The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Jan. 12, 2016, https:\/\/www.hrw.org\/report\/2016\/01\/12\/i-just-wanted-be-treated-person\/how-lebanons-residency-rules-facilitate-abuse (last visited Sept. 26, 2019). \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  2. Id<\/em>. \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  3. Id<\/em>. \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  4. Id<\/em>. \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  5. Ninette Kelley, Responding to Refugee Influx: Lessons from Lebanon<\/em>, 5 Journal on Migration and Human Security 82, 87 (2017). \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  6. The principle of non-refoulement, first enshrined in the 1954 UN-Convention relating to the State of Refugees, prohibits host countries from expelling refugees to any place where they may be persecuted or where their lives may be in danger. See: Refoulement<\/em>, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), http:\/\/www.unesco.org\/new\/en\/social-and-human-sciences\/themes\/international-migration\/glossary\/refoulement\/ (last accessed Oct. 19, 2019). \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  7. Lebanon: Events of 2018, UNHCR, 2018, https:\/\/www.hrw.org\/world-report\/2019\/country-chapters\/lebanon (last visited Sept. 29, 2019). \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  8. Id<\/em>. \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  9. Id<\/em>. at 4. \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  10. Kelley, supra,<\/em> at 86. \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  11. Id.<\/em> at 83. \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  12. Id<\/em>. at 85. \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  13. Information About Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon, The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), Jan. 1, 2019, https:\/\/www.unrwa.org\/where-we-work\/lebanon (last visited Sept. 26, 2019); Description of Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Lebanon, UNHCR, 2018, http:\/\/reporting.unhcr.org\/node\/19389 (last visited Sept. 26, 2019). \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  14. Information About Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon, supra<\/em>. \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  15. Kelley, supra,<\/em> at 83. \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  16. Id<\/em>. \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  17. Julie Peteet, From Refugees to Minority: Palestinians in Post-War Lebanon<\/em>, 200 Middle East Report 27, 28 (1996). \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  18. Kelley, supra,<\/em> at 84. \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  19. Id<\/em>. \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  20. \u201cI Just Wanted to be Treated like a Person\u201d: How Lebanon\u2019s Residency Rules Facilitate Abuse of Syrian Refugees<\/em>, supra<\/em>. \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  21. Lebanon has a confessional system of government which reserves governmental roles for members of different sects; for example, Lebanon\u2019s president must be a Maronite Christian, its prime minister must be a Sunni Muslim, and its Speaker of Parliament must be a Shia Muslim. See: Imad Harb, Lebanon\u2019s Confessionalism: Problems and Prospects<\/em>, United States Institute of Peace (USIP), Mar. 30, 2006, https:\/\/www.usip.org\/publications\/2006\/03\/lebanons-confessionalism-problems-and-prospects (last accessed Oct. 19, 2019). \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  22. Refugee Rights in Lebanon are Not Up for Debate<\/em>, Human Rights Watch, Jul. 4, 2019, https:\/\/www.hrw.org\/news\/2018\/07\/04\/refugee-rights-lebanon-not-debate (last visited Sept. 26, 2019). \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  23. Year-End Report on Lebanon, UNHCR, 2018, http:\/\/reporting.unhcr.org\/node\/2520?y=2018#objectives (last visited Sept. 26, 2019). \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  24. Refugee Rights in Lebanon are Not Up for Debate<\/em>, supra<\/em>. \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  25. Kelley, supra<\/em>, at 84. \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n
  26. Id<\/em>. \u2191<\/a><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    Only twelve years old, Ali has become his family\u2019s breadwinner.[1] He works eleven hours daily at an automobile repair shop near the refugee camp where his Syrian family lives. He earns almost fifteen dollars each week. His father, Mahmoud, couldn\u2019t find work; desperate, the family had sent Ali to look instead. \u201cI know that they […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":47,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[10,24,1],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-165","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-human-rights","7":"category-international-law","8":"category-uncategorized","9":"czr-hentry"},"aioseo_notices":[],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/lawblogs.uc.edu\/ihrlr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/165","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/lawblogs.uc.edu\/ihrlr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/lawblogs.uc.edu\/ihrlr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lawblogs.uc.edu\/ihrlr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/47"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lawblogs.uc.edu\/ihrlr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=165"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/lawblogs.uc.edu\/ihrlr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/165\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":209,"href":"https:\/\/lawblogs.uc.edu\/ihrlr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/165\/revisions\/209"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/lawblogs.uc.edu\/ihrlr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=165"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lawblogs.uc.edu\/ihrlr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=165"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lawblogs.uc.edu\/ihrlr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=165"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}